Latest news and stories about political analysis in culture in Portugal for expats and residents.
Former Prime Minister Passos Coelho has issued a stern warning to Luis Montenegro regarding the urgent need for structural reforms, signaling his intent to present a new transformative agenda for Portugal.
An opinion piece arguing that Portugal should aspire to better political outcomes rather than settling for the lesser of two evils.
This Political Commission analyses the Prime Minister's silences during his speech at the PSD Summer University, when he did not want to talk about 'this, that, and the other' and sounded more like the man from the Gato Fedorento sketch who had 'I don't know what' happen to him.
Portuguese politics is increasingly resembling a reality show, where the focus has shifted from substantive debate to performative conflict designed for social media. While citizens are more engaged in the spectacle—voting and commenting on viral clips—they remain largely excluded from the actual decision-making processes, such as candidate selection and legislative negotiations. This creates a 'false consent,' where voters feel they have influence, yet the power structures remain opaque and centralized. To move beyond this, the author argues for greater transparency in how candidates are chosen and how policies are formed, urging citizens to demand a role in shaping the political narrative rather than just watching it unfold.
Miguel Costa Matos's think tank debates progressive policies. And ultimately, does Meta's agreement with the US serve to protect the online safety of young people?
Donizete Rodrigues, a professor at the University of Beira Interior, explains how Chega could become the official party of evangelicals in Portugal and how the conservative women's movement serves Ventura's “intelligent strategy”.
It felt like we were back in the 90s: Montenegro comparing himself to Cavaco, Carneiro aligning himself with Guterres. Is the formula for success buried in their past?
These days, political 'rentrées' serve as carefully staged pseudo-events designed to favour the narratives of the parties promoting them. This was the case with the Pontal Festival, which marked its 50th anniversary this year. The first edition took place on 29 August 1976, on a date that could mark the return to work. Half a century later, in Quarteira, the leader of the PSD and Prime Minister (the roles become blurred in these types of events) called for an end to 'modern censorship'.
Montenegro and Carneiro returned from their holidays with speeches inspired by the past. Between Cavaco and Guterres, this is proof that national politics is turning into a long trip back to the 90s.
Living in freedom means accepting that we are the sole authors of our choices and the primary custodians of our failures.
Anselmo Crespo, a commentator for CNN Portugal, believes that the fact that 'we are all suspicious' about whether the Chega party might have staged the vandalism of its office in the Assembly of the Republic is 'a very worrying sign for Portuguese society regarding democratic institutions'.
Montenegro's 'cliff of love' and the 10 cents that fly away in the 'Volta' programme. Meanwhile, the PS can rest easy because it is leading the polls and acting as a 'stabiliser'.
There is a problem in Portugal with the Government, but also with the opposition. This is the analysis of Miguel Sousa Tavares, who also examined the controversy surrounding national exams and the issue of NATO.
It is the greatest misconception of our democracies. We have all convinced ourselves that a brilliant academic, a brilliant entrepreneur, or a brilliant chef will surely be a brilliant politician if they want to be.
To reach the communicational success that Burnham's black T-shirt symbolises, Portuguese parties need to turn things around. The T-shirt has already defeated Reform in the polls. A column by Ana Sá Lopes.
Miguel Morgado revisits his childhood, explains how he became a man of the right, recalls the troika years, and discusses Rui Rio, Chega, faith, woke culture, and the state of Portuguese politics.
The PSD congress might have seemed very boring, but perhaps that is an unfair reputation. Let us take a second look at what was said and what happened in the following days.
The world as told through what is said. A column by António Rodrigues.
Luís Montenegro was Mr. Negro at the opening of the congress and Dr. Monte at its closing. Editorial by David Pontes.
Bugalho ascended, Palma Ramalho and Ana Paula Martins impressed, Moedas and Pedro Duarte rose, Santana reappeared, Passos disappeared, Lucinda Dâmaso eclipsed herself, and Montenegro resisted everything.
António José Seguro has reached the 100-day milestone as the new resident of Belém. Duarte Marques and Rui Gomes da Silva agree: Seguro is everything that was expected. But is he too reserved?
The left even asked Seguro for something left-wing, but what the first hundred days of his term show is that, even in the centre, the President's tendency will always be to lean towards the same side.
By limiting himself to saying platitudes, Seguro confuses moderation with emptiness. Precisely when democracies need moderate politicians with structured thinking and no fear of expressing themselves.
A reflection on the distinct political and social paths of Chile and Colombia, alongside a commentary on the current state of Portugal's national identity and development.
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Criticisms of the rhythm are disagreements regarding the alliance strategy.
The controversy was stuck on the expression. The essential point was elsewhere: in Passos Coelho's criticism of populist nationalism, of politics without convictions, and of the temptation to combat populism by imitating it.
Passos' contradictions hidden in his “characterless prostitute” remark, Hugo Soares' risky challenge to his former boss, Carneiro's “ethical and moral” plan, and Centeno's acceleration, in this Citacionismo Index.
The article critiques former Prime Minister Pedro Passos Coelho for using derogatory language during a book launch at the Lisbon Faculty of Law. The author argues that Passos Coelho's remarks about 'prostitutes without character' reflect poorly on his own political camp, particularly given his presence alongside André Ventura. The piece highlights the irony of a moralist seeking political relevance through the populist right, noting that figures like Luís Montenegro and Carlos Moedas are also complicit in this shift. Ultimately, the author suggests that Passos Coelho lacks the courage to own his words, contrasting his current behaviour with the principles of Sá Carneiro.
Filipe Santos Costa, a commentator for CNN Portugal, analyses the statements made by Pedro Passos Coelho during an event he attended with André Ventura.
“We were born from the people's anger.” This is the slogan of Chega, repeated at rallies with the conviction of those who believe that politics can be conducted by ordinary people, outside the elites that have dominated the corridors of the Assembly of the Republic for decades. It is a seductive argument, although, in light of the data, it is empirically false. A study conducted on Chega candidates in the legislative elections, based on the ISCTE Democracy Observatory's Survey of Candidates for Deputy, reveals a profile that has little to do with “the people.” More than 70% of respondents have higher education, and almost half hold a postgraduate degree or master's, which is, at the very least, concerning given the rhetoric they have been following. The average age is around 49, the type of profile found in the parties that Chega claims it wants to replace. They are not career politicians, having little prior institutional experience; they have not passed through the traditional party apparatus, nor have they built careers in local government bodies. They are outsiders, but they are not the anonymous citizen facing the cost of living at the end of the month, transport conditions, or the unstable housing market. When asked who made the final decision on their candidacy, 85.7% of respondents pointed to the national leadership. Not the grassroots, not the militants, nor the local structures—it is the leadership. Chega, which presents itself as an antidote to party-ocracy, practices the most centralized recruitment model in the Portuguese party system. This is not a moral critique of the party, but an observation on the structural logic of populism. Movements that build their identity around the opposition between “the pure people” and “the corrupt elite” always face a practical problem: they need competent candidates to govern, and competent candidates are rarely those the discourse promised. The counter-elite that emerges is not the people; it is a new technical elite, selected from the top down, that uses the rhetoric of the people to reach power. There is something revealing in another piece of data from the same study: 66.7% of candidates with a master's or postgraduate degree declare they distrust the electoral system. Highly qualified people, who could join any conventional political organization, have chosen a party whose central appeal is distrust in institutions. The resentment here is not from a lack of qualification, but from an excess of it in a system they feel does not reward them. The “voice of the people” is constructed by an apparatus that the people do not control. The promised renewal has the face of those who already know what a master's thesis is. And the anger that “was born from the people” has been channelled, selected, and disciplined by a leadership that decides alone. This does not invalidate the concerns of those who vote for Chega, but it does invalidate the narrative that this party is different in the way it is constituted. We are clearly not seeing a party that operates, speaks, and acts differently from the “system parties”; we are seeing a change in the elite.
