Latest news and stories about political landscape in Portugal for expats and residents.
As the Portuguese Constitution marks its 50th anniversary, the document faces renewed scrutiny regarding potential revisions, balancing its historical identity against the pressures of modern political adaptation and institutional change.
An analysis of the potential for new political parties to form in Portugal over the next few years.
The ambition to create new parties capable of reaching the Assembly of the Republic exists, and some are already positioning themselves to shape them. These include Miguel Milhão, owner of Prozis, and Afonso Gonçalves, from the far-right movement Reconquista. Journalist Alexandre R. Malhado, from Sábado magazine, explains everything.
An analysis by Now Canal on the potential for new political movements to arise in the Portuguese political landscape over the next few years.
The PS Secretary-General dethrones Luís Montenegro as the right man to lead the Government.
The right wants a revision, the left is against it, and the PSD is ignoring it for now: does Ventura want to be taken seriously with another incident, this time during the 50th anniversary of the Constitution? Also, the Saramago case and the new director of the PJ.
The aftermath of the three-day socialist congress, Montenegro's reaction to Carneiro's difficulties, and Ventura's new battlefront were the topics of this Vichyssoise.
The Socialist Party congress in Viseu highlighted the party's strategic limbo and inability to define its role in the current political landscape. Caught between firm opposition and a willingness to compromise, the party remains trapped in an ambiguity that undermines its credibility. With the party now in third place following the 2025 legislative elections, the lack of a clear strategy and the leadership's inability to galvanize the base suggest a risk of progressive irrelevance unless it can define a clear path forward.
While coming to terms with Chega, the PSD wants to shift the perception of where the centre lies and convince us that it was others who changed. Everyone has become radical: the PS, Carneiro, the UGT, and Seguro. In 1975, Pinheiro de Azevedo lost patience with the trendy insult of the day and replied: 'To hell with the fascist!' Let no one be conditioned by this artificial attempt to redefine the centre of what is tolerated, which labels the basics of democracy as extremist. Let the right live through the excitement of its own revolutionary process.
Can this PS that emerged from the congress converge with this Government, or move even further away?
Carneiro is already talking about winning the next legislative elections and closed the 25th PS congress by saying that 'the country has reached a turning point'. Two new banners have emerged in the PS discourse: Justice and Public Administration reform.
The PS Congress in Viseu is being defined by the relationship the party should have with the Government. Carlos César and Mariana Vieira da Silva accuse the Government of joining forces with Chega and of being deaf to the PS.
At the socialist congress, calm is requested, but noise is setting in: between collaboration with the Government and a thirst for power, the PS is trying to reinvent itself. But is it strategy or just another identity crisis?
The PS is facing political stagnation and a loss of influence, now being the third force in a tripartite parliament. It needs “confidence” to prepare for the future, addressing causes such as regionalisation and tax reform. The loss of PS votes among young voters is a warning sign.
It will certainly be a tense meeting, given the depth of the wounds the PS carries and the magnitude of the task awaiting the party. Opinion by São José Almeida.
The president of the CDS-PP considers that the political force led by André Ventura 'claims to be right-wing', but 'has been, on many occasions, the best ally of the left'.
Mário Ramires argues that it is “natural” for the majority, which is “ideologically more left-leaning, to be replaced by profiles with a different orientation”, taking into account the new political landscape of the Assembly of the Republic.
The President of the Republic is the institutional survivor of a certain idea of the left. The polls leave no doubt. With the electoral collapse to the left of the PS, the country is experiencing a rare and strange political situation – Portuguese democracy is a democracy of the right. The left is reduced to a vocal and folkloric function.
He was re-elected with nearly 100%, but the Socialist leader is far from having an easy task and now faces his biggest challenge: establishing the PS as an alternative. Also, Centeno's departure from the Bank of Portugal after 20 years.
Chega wants to be in government and is already discussing positions or 'cushy jobs' in its own language. André Ventura seems to want to hitch a ride with Passos Coelho. But for what purpose? What points of agreement would they have?
What was once a mirage has become a hypothesis to be discussed. With Passos gaining strength in the media space and criticising the Government, Chega puts electoral problems aside and thinks long-term.
By Carlos Rodrigues
The latest DN/Aximage Barometer reveals a three-way political deadlock in Portugal. Following the end of a cycle of elections, the PS, AD, and Chega are in a technical tie within the 4.2% margin of error. José Luís Carneiro's PS leads with 27%, followed by the AD coalition at 26.6% and Chega at 25.8%. Despite the PS's slight lead in voting intentions, 59% of respondents identify André Ventura as the primary opposition leader, compared to 21% for Carneiro. While Carneiro holds a narrow lead in trust for the role of Prime Minister, Luís Montenegro remains the preferred choice overall.
Pedro Passos Coelho's recent interview with Eco and his explanations over the past week were not just isolated interventions from a former prime minister. They were a political gesture with consequences. At a time when the opposition appears diffuse and hesitant, with both André Ventura and José Luís Carneiro failing to offer anything new, Passos emerges with clarity and assertiveness, paradoxically positioning himself as one of the strongest voices against the direction of his own party's government. By stating that he would announce his candidacy without ambiguity if he ever decided to run, Passos Coelho keeps the door open for a return without making any commitments. More importantly than his personal future is the current political landscape. By arguing that the Executive should have sought a legislative agreement to the right, including Chega and Iniciativa Liberal, he is doing more than providing a strategic analysis: he is exposing what he sees as the insufficiency of the current social-democratic leadership. This is not a frontal attack, but perhaps something more uncomfortable: a structured critique from within. By insisting on the urgency of deep reforms, from Social Security to the economic model, Passos contrasts the government's caution with a reformist vision without concessions. Implicit is the idea that the government is falling short of what is necessary. A sharper critique is hard to find. In this sense, Passos Coelho positions himself as a kind of internal opposition leader: he does not formally contest the leadership of the PSD, but distinguishes himself; he does not present an organic alternative, but suggests one; he does not break away, but increases the tension. In a ruling party, incisive criticism rarely comes from within, hence the surprise. This not only demonstrates the potential weaknesses of the PSD; it primarily highlights the weakness of the political debate opposing the government, which has failed to articulate what Passos Coelho expressed in a single day over the past two years.
